Wednesday, March 29, 2017

save the brotherhood






ရဲရင့္ကိစၥ ကို ၀ိုင္း၀န္းေဆာင္ရြက္ ႀကိဳးစားေပးသူမ်ားအားလံုးအား save the brotherhood teamမွ လႈိက္လွဲစြာ ေက ်းဇူးတင္ရွိပါေၾကာင္း ကိုသစ္ ကိုယ္စား ေျပာၾကားလိုပါတယ္။
ကိုသစ္ အတြက္ ေရွ ႔တဆင့္ တိုးလုပ္ေဆာင္ရ န္ လို အပ့္ လာ ပါသျဖစ္
လက္မွတ္ေကာက္ယူ ေပးပို ့ျခင္း လွဳပ့္ရွားမူ ့ ကို စတင္ လုပ့္ေဆာင္ ေနၾကျပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အသိေပး အေၾကာင္းၾကားအပ့္ပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံတကာေရာက္ ကိုသစ္ မိတ္ေဆြ ရဲေဘာ္မ်ားမွ မိမိတို ့ ႏွင့္ နီး စပ့္ရာ သူ မ်ားထံ မွ လက္မွတ္ မ်ား ကို ေကာက္ယူ စုေဆာင္း ေပး ၾက ျပီးလွ်င္ ကေနဒါ ႏိုင္ငံ လူမူ ့ၾကီးၾကပ့္ ေရးဝန္ၾကီး၊ ထံ လိပ့္ စာ တပ့္ ကာ မိတၱဴမ်ား ကို ကေနဒါ ဝန္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ့္ ၊ ကေနဒါ ပါလီမန္ မိတ္ေဆြမ်ား ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အဖြဲ ့ ဥကၠ႒၊ ကေနဒါ လြတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ား ႏွင့္ ေရွ ့ေန စသည့္ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ မ်ားထံ သို ့ ေပးပို ့ ေတာင္းဆို ေဆာင္ ရြက္ ေပးသြားႏိုင္ ပါေၾကာင္း နိုင္ငံတကာေရာက္ ကိုသစ္ ၏ ရဲေဘာ္မိတ္ေဆြအေပါင္းတို ့အား အသိေပး နႈိးေဆာ္လိုက္ပါသည္။ သူငယ္ခ်င္းတို ့ပူးေပါင္းပါ၀င္မႈသည္ ယၡဳ ေဆာင္ ရြက္ ေနေသာ လွဳပ့္ရွားမူ ့ အတြက္ အလြန္ပင္ အေရးႀကီးေၾကာင္း ထပ္ေလာင္း အသိေပးအပ့္ပါသည္။
လုပ့္ေဆာင္ရန္ မ်ားမွာ
၁။ ၊။ ေအာက္ ေဖၚ ျပပါ (Petition)ေမတၱာ ရပ့္ခံ ေတာင္းဆို စာ အား (print) ပံုႏိုပ့္ ကူးထုတ္ ယူပါ။
၂။ ။ စာ ထုတ္ယူျပီးလွ်င္ မိမိႏွင့္ နီးစပ့္ရာ (မည္သူမဆို) လက္မွတ္ထိုးေပးရန္ ဆႏၱရွိသူမ်ားထံမွလက္မွတ္မ်ား ကို ေကာက္ခံရယူျပီး လွ်င္ ေအာက္ေဖၚ ျပ ပါ လိပ့္ စာ မ်ား အတိုင္း ေပးပို ့ႏိုင္ပါသည္။
(The Honourable Ahmed D. Hussen
Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship
365 Laurier Avenue West
Ottawa, Ontario
K1A 1L1
Email: Minister@cic.gc.ca
Telephone: 613-954-1064
Fax: 613-952-5533 )
မိတၱဴ ကို (cc)
1)Right Honorable Justin Trudeau
Prime Minister of Canada
Office of the Prime Minister
80 Wellington Street
Ottawa, ON K1A 0A2
URL: pm.gc.ca/eng/connect
Fax 1 613 941 6100
2) The Honorable Bruce Stanton
Chair, Canada - Myanmar Parliamentary Friendship Group
Deputy Speaker, Chair of Committees of Whole
Email:bruce.stanton@parl.gc.ca

(သို ့မဟုတ္ပါက)
Myo Lwin Aung
(3-17 Derrydown Road,
North York - Ontario
M3J-1R2
Canada
moethihaaung@gmail.com ) သို ့လည္း ေပးပို ့ႏိုင္ၾကပါသည္။
ေအာက္ ေဖၚ ျပပါစာ မွာ၊ ပံုနိုပ့္ ထုတ္(print) ယူရမည့္ စာ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
The Honourable Ahmed D. Hussen
Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship
365 Laurier Avenue West
Ottawa, Ontario
K1A 1L1
Email: Minister@cic.gc.ca
Telephone: 613-954-1064
Fax: 613-952-5533
Dear Sir,
With regard to the case of Mr. Than Soe, a Myanmar asylum seeker living in Canada since 2003, we would like to urgently seek your kind intervention to prevent his potential removal from Canada to Myanmar. He would suffer irreparable harm if he were deported to Myanmar.
Our grave concerns argue strongly against his removal at this time in the absence of rule of law in Myanmar where no government officials can guarantee his safety, so his life would be in imminent danger. As you may well be aware that Myanmar’s three security ministries, Home Affairs, Border Security, and Defense, are still under the direct control of the military.
We would like to see Canada’s humanity and generosity in allowing Than Soe to remain in our country despite his ineligibility for asylum and the complexities of the case. We would also like to acknowledge Than Soe’s diligence in adhering to the conditions of his stay and remaining a productive, tax-paying resident.
Since 2010 Myanmar has been undergoing what has often been referred to as ‘the triple transition,’ from war to peace, military rule to democracy, and from a closed, centrally planned to a market economy. The country has made very significant reform progress since 2012. Areas of progress include the release of hundreds of political prisoners in 2011 and 2012, the freeing of the media in 2012, liberalization of the economy, and free and fair elections in 2015 which saw the opposition National League for Democracy, led by Nobel Peace Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, win a strong majority.
However, the dominant international narrative that basic human and civil rights are no longer a concern because the government is now headed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is in fact to overestimate the power of an individual leader, underestimate the long-term institutional decay of decades of military rule, and disregard events in Myanmar since the NLD came to power in April 2016.
In early 2017 Myanmar’s reform process is in a period of stall. As of January 2017 there are 250 political prisoners in Myanmar, up from 64 during the NLD’s first month in power, April 2016. Many are people charged with criminal defamation by officials of the NLD government.
2016 and early 2017 have seen the worst fighting in the country in over a decade, involving clashes between the Myanmar army and ethnic armed organizations in Kachin and Shan States. Armed conflict and the draconian response by the Myanmar military against Rohingya civilians has attracted global attention and stands to have destabilizing effect well beyond Myanmar’s borders. Among the multiple roots of Myanmar’s current instability, two stand out.
First, the entire security apparatus and several other core state functions remain under the control of the Myanmar military. These functions are not truly under the control of the civilian government led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. In a context of poor relations between State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the military, the result resembles rule by two governments, creating competition and instability, allowing for a continuation of the abuses of power which have characterized Myanmar’s history.
Second, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been unwilling or unable to provide significant and definitive moral and political leadership on the core issues of human rights, rule of law, and armed conflict. In December 2016, a dozen fellow Nobel Peace Laureates published an open letter denouncing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s silence and lack of moral leadership specifically on the persecution of the Rohingya minority, while the UN has issued a report stating that the actions of the Myanmar army in Rakhine State may amount to crimes against humanity. Indicative of the current policy incoherency and political uncertainty, foreign direct investment has fallen and economic growth has slowed in 2016. In the long-run Myanmar is likely to right itself and continue on a path of economic and political reform, however currently the overall context in Myanmar is one of increasing, rather than declining, conflict, wavering on reform, and political instability.
Should he return, Mr. Than Soe could be charged under numerous laws. Any of those charges could insert Than Soe into a very weak justice system in which fundamental rights of defense are not consistently available.
In addition to affecting the everyday lives of Myanmar citizens, the weakness of rule of law has been demonstrated in prominent cases involving the murder of journalists. Nothing demonstrates the perilous absence of rule of law and guaranteed rights than the assassination on January 29, 2017 of the country’s most prominent constitutional and human rights lawyer, U Ko Ni, legal advisor to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD. Should Than Soe return and be arrested, there is no guarantee that he would receive a prompt and fair trial or access to competent defense. Further if he is unlawfully detained, he would not have access to any means of redress.
There is no denying fact that the general sense of improvements has already emerged in the country under the civilian leadership. However, the military is still in full control of very critical ministries and the elected body has still been encountering a wide array of challenges, especially in the areas of protecting human rights, adopting democratic principles, and implementing justice and rule of law.
Here are a few of the numerous examples that can lead to question the state of human rights, democracy, and rule of law in that country:
“The Myanmar Army detained Par Gyi, 49 years old journalist, on 30 September 2014. Five days later, the journalist was shot to death. Autopsy reports showed that Par Gyi was tortured before he was killed”. “ It’s totally unacceptable, said Myanmar’s incoming information minister Pe Myint on the court recommendations to close the case of a freelance journalist who was killed while in military custody in 2014” [Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA), March 30, 2016: https://www.seapa.org/courts-drop-par-gyi-murder-case/ ].
A reporter working with Myanmar’s Eleven Media Group was killed in the northwest of the country in late 2016. [Asia Correspondent: December 13, 2016: https://asiancorrespondent.com/…/burma-journalist-killed-r…/].
“5 villagers were killed during interrogation by soldiers in Shan State in June 2016”. [The Reuters: July 20, 2016: http://www.reuters.com/…/us-myanmar-military-massacre-idUSK…]
Ko Ni, a prominent Myanmar human rights lawyer and Aung San Suu Kyi’s advisor was shot in the head in broad daylight at Yangon International Airport on 29th January 2017. [Radio Free Asia: January 30, 2017: http://www.rfa.org/…/prominent-myanmar-rights-lawyer-killed…]
A recent report from a local newspaper in February 2017 showed that a Myanmar man who starred in Rambo V movie was arrested and has still been held in prison for his role in the movie.
These are only selected few of a number of cases in Myanmar. Among them, only a handful of cases targeting rights promoters have been investigated. In many cases, the perpetrators have never been brought to face justice. Rights promoters, democracy activists, and land rights defenders for the farmers have still been threatened and arrested even under the new administration.
Relatively few political exiled or refugees have returned since the suspension of the blacklist at the end of 2012. Over 100,000 refugees remain in camps in Thailand, and few have moved to return. UNHCR originally estimated that there would be 15,000 refugee returns in 2016, only 71 returned. Originally 191 had signed up to return, but many were deterred by the lengthy pre-departure screening process in the camps carried out by the Myanmar authorities. The screening was to determine whether the refugees were Myanmar nationals and eligible for return. It involved over 20 representatives from four ministries and union, state, and local government. A recent survey determined that 80% of them do not want to return, citing concerns over safety and security. Among political asylees in third countries, only a small number have returned to live and work but the vast majority remain in the country of resettlement. Although the government has changed, the repressive state apparatus and security concerns which motivated departures in the first place to a great extent remain in place.
Under these circumstances, your kind intervention would certainly save Than Soe’s life.
Sincerely,
Case Number: My Pre- Removal Risk Assessment UCI: 5348-8994
No./ Name/ Address/ Phone Number/ Email/ Signature
ေလးစားစြာျဖင့္
(မွတ္ခ်က္။ ။ လက္မွတ္ ေကာက္ခံရာ တြင္ပို အဆင္ ေျပ ေစရန္ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာ ႏိုင္ငံ အတြင္းမွ မိတ္ေဆြ ရဲေဘာ္ မ်ားအတြက္ ျမန္မာ ဘာသာျဖစ္ ေရးသားထားေသာ စာ ကို မၾကာမွိ ထုတ္ျပန္ ေပးပို ့လာပါမည္။ သို ့ေသာ္ ကေနဒါ ႏိုင္ငံမွ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ မ်ားထံသို ့ေကာက္ခံရရွိေသာ လက္မွတ္မ်ားျပန္လည္ေပးပို ့လာသည့္ အခါ ျမန္မာ လို ေရးသားထားေသာ စာ အားထည့္ ပို ့ေပး ရန္ လိုအပ့္ မည္ မဟုတ္ပါ။)
ေအာင္မိုး (ကေနဒါ)

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