November 5, 2012
By Nehginpao Kipgen
http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/742433.shtml
The
ethnic violence between Buddhist Rakhines and Muslim Rohingyas in
western Myanmar, which initially erupted in June, has not abated. The
simmering tension erupted again on October 21. The government said on
October 31 that 89 people were killed, 136 injured, more than 32,000
made homeless, and more
than 5,000 houses were burned down between October 21 and 30.
Questions
have been asked as to why the conflict has not been resolved when
Myanmar has overwhelming support from the international community, from
East to West, to do so. Is it because the government has no serious
intention of resolving the conflict, or is it because the government
does not have adequate resources or experience to handle such violence?
Recent
developments indicated that both the Rakhine state and the central
government have taken certain initiatives to end the violence, including
the state government's use of article 144 of the criminal code of law, a
colonial-era law which allows wide-ranging measures such as curfews, in
some townships, and President Thein Sein's declaration of a state
of emergency. But are such measures enough?
Both
in Rakhine state and elsewhere, the conflicts are a consequence of
inherent ethnic problems that successive central governments have failed
to address since independence in 1948.
The
complexity of the Rohingya problem fundamentally lies in the fact that
Rohingyas are not considered citizens of Myanmar. This makes the case
unique. While other ethnic minorities demand autonomy under a federal
system, the Rohingyas struggle to be recognized as a national ethnic
group.
Some
have suggested that had Thein Sein resolved the Rohingya problem, he
could have won a Nobel Peace Prize. Others opine that the opposition
leader, Aung San Suu
Kyi, has rarely spoken about the conflict due to fears of a backlash in
the upcoming 2015 general election.
While
the conflict in Rakhine state should not be viewed as an opportunity
for individual glory or for acquiring political advantage, both Thein
Sein and Suu Kyi have important roles to play in the emergence of a
durable solution.
Many
in the country, including the Rakhine people, cannot accept Rohingyas
as fellow citizens of Myanmar. In fact, the government uses the term
"Bengali" to refer to them. Under such circumstances, is there room for
dialogue? If so, where to begin?
Another
broad perception inside Myanmar is that the Rohingyas are illegal
Bengali migrants
from neighboring Bangladesh. However, such assertions are rejected by
Bangladesh, which already hosts about 300,000 Rohingyas as refugees
inside its territory.
The
governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh should promote dialogue to
address the issue amicably. If no bilateral agreement can be reached,
perhaps both governments could approach a neutral party such as the UN
for mediation or for alternative arrangement.
Thein
Sein once suggested resettling the Rohingyas to third countries, which
was rejected by the UN's High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio
Guterres. Recently, Tomas Ojea Quintana, the UN special rapporteur on
human rights in Myanmar, suggested that the government should pursue a
policy of integration and reconciliation between the Rakhine and
Rohingya
groups.
International
institutions could offer suggestions but ultimately the responsibility
lies with the Myanmar government. If no third country comes forward to
accept the Rohingya population, the government of Myanmar will have to
come up with some sort of solution now or later.
What
the Thein Sein administration and the national parliament could do is
to review both previous and existing citizenship laws to assess the
conditions under which citizenship can be granted. Those eligible people
should not be denied their citizenship rights.
Suu Kyi could use her status as the opposition leader and chair of the parliamentary rule of law committee to help advance the
reconciliation process. Such an initiative should be supported by other committee members and the parliament.
This
reconciliation program will succeed only when the Rakhines and the
Rohingyas are willing to compromise on their differences by respecting
each other's identity. More importantly, the Myanmar government must be
ready to embrace the Rohingyas if any genuine reconciliation is to be
realized.
Myanmar
has adequate resources and experience to handle ethnic violence. Ethnic
conflicts in Myanmar remain unresolved largely because of the
indifference and lack of commitment toward minority problems by
successive central governments.
The
problem in Rakhine state needs to
be addressed simultaneously with ethnic problems in other parts of the
country. As Myanmar begins to experience a fledgling democracy, the
international community should continue to extend support and provide
necessary assistances.
While
the international community is rallying behind its democratic reform
process, Myanmar should seize the opportunity to address the inherent
problems of ethnic minorities, including tackling the Rakhine issue.
The author is general secretary of the US-based Kuki International Forum.
Kukiforum News
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